Constitutional reform / References and acknowledgements

References

Blair, A. (1996), 'Democracy's Second Age', The Economist, 14 September: 33-35
Bogdanor, V. (2009), The New British Constitution, Oxford: Hart

Bowler, S. and Donovan, T. (2002), 'Democracy, Institutions and Attitudes about Citizen Influence on Government', British Journal of Political Science, 32: 371-390

Bowler, S., Donovan, T. and Karp, J. (2007), 'Enraged or Engaged? Preferences for Direct Citizen Participation in Affluent Democra-cies', Political Research Quarterly, 60: 351-362

Bromley, C., Curtice, J. and Seyd, B. (2001), 'Political engagement, trust and constitutional reform', in British Social Attitudes: the 18th Report, London: Sage

Cabinet Office (2010), The Coalition: our programme for government, London: Cabinet Office

Cabinet Office (2011), House of Lords Reform Draft Bill, Cm 8077, London: The Stationery Office

Citrin, J. and Muste, C. (1999), 'Trust in Government', in Robinson, J., Shaver, P. and Wrightsman, L. (eds.), Measures of Political Attitudes, Vol 2, San Diego: Academic Press

Clegg, N. (2009), 'Voters' trust in democracy is shattered: we must restore it', The Observer, 17 May, available at: www.guardian.co.uk/politics/2009/may/17/nickclegg

Clegg, N. (2010), 'Deputy PM's first speech on constitutional reform', 19 May, London: Cabinet Office, available at: www.dpm.cabinetoffice.gov.uk/news/deputy-pms-first-speech-constitutional-reform

Conservative Party (2010), Invitation to Join the Government of Britain, London: Conservative Party

Curtice, J. (2011), 'Rebuilding the Bonds of Trust and Confidence?', in Diamond, P. and Kenny, M. (eds.), Reassessing New Labour: Market, States and Society under Blair and Brown, London: Wiley-Blackwell

Curtice, J. and Jowell, R. (1998), 'Is there really a demand for constitutional change?', Scottish Affairs, Special Issue on Constitutional Change: 61-93

Curtice, J., Fisher, S. and Lessard-Phillips, L. (2007), 'Proportional representation and the disappearing voter', in British Social Attitudes: the 23rd Report, London: Sage

Dalton, R., Bürklin, W. and Drummond, A. (2001), 'Public Opinion and Direct Democracy', Journal of Democracy, 12: 141-153

Dyck, J. (2009), 'Initiated Distrust: Direct Democracy and Trust in Government', American Politics Research, 37: 539-568

Dyck, J. and Lascher, E. (2009), 'Direct Democracy and Political Efficacy Reconsidered', Political Behavior, 31: 401-427

Heath, A. and Martin, J. (1997), 'Why Are There so Few Formal Measuring Instruments in Social and Political Research?', in Lyberg, L., Biemer, P.,  Collins,  M., De Leeuw, E., Dippo, C., Schwarz, N. and Trewin, D. (eds.), Survey Measurement and Process Quality, London:
John Wiley and Sons

Hope, N. and Wanduragala, N. (2010), New Model Mayors: Democracy, Devolution and Direction, London: NewLocal Government Network

Ipsos-MORI (2011), Trust in Professions 2011, available at: www.ipsos-mori.com/research publica-tions/researcharchive/2818/Doctors-are-most-trusted-profession-politicians-least-trusted.aspx

Labour Party (1997), New Labour Because Britain Deserves Better, London: Labour Party

Liberal Democrat Party (2010), Liberal Democrat Manifesto 2010, London: Liberal Democrats

Smith, D. and Tolbert, C. (2004), Educated by Initiative: The Effects of Direct Democracy on Citizens and Political Organizations in the American States, Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press

UK Parliament (2012), Government Response to the Report of the Joint Committee on the Draft House of Lords Reform Bill, Cm 8391, London: The Stationery Office

Zeller, R. and Carmines, E. (1980), Measurement in the Social Sciences: The Link Between Theory and Data, New York: Cambridge University Press

Acknowledgements

NatCen Social Research is grateful to the Nuffield Foundation for the financial support that enabled us to ask the questions reported in this chapter. The views expressed are those of the authors alone.

Notes
  1. This picture of low trust in politicians relative to other professional actors, such as the police, is confirmed by data from other polling organisations, such as MORI's 'Trust in Professions' surveys (Ipsos-MORI, 2011).
  2. Readings are indicated by data marker; the line indicates an overall pattern but where there is no data marker the line cannot be taken as a reading for that year.
  3. These figures have been collated from various House of Commons Library papers supplemented by data from the New Local Government Network.
  4. Nor have attitudes to elected mayors improved since their introduction in 2000. The same questions about speaking up for the area, getting things done and giving too much power to a single person were also asked on British Social Attitudes in 1998 and 2000. The proportions agreeing that mayors speak up for the area and help gets things done were no higher in 2011 than in 1998, while the proportion agreeing that mayors give too much power to a single person fell by only 10 percentage points, from 45 per cent in 1998 to 35 per cent in 2011.
  5. Two other of England's largest cities, Leicester and Liverpool, had previously decided to introduce a directly elected mayor without holding a referendum. In four other referendums on directly elected mayors held since the 2010 general election, the proposal was approved in two cases (Salford and Tower Hamlets) and rejected in a third (Great Yarmouth). Doncaster voted in May 2012 to keep its elected mayor.
  6. The Coalition's proposal is that a referendum should be held when a council wishes to increase the level of council tax by more than a limit specified by the government. To simplify matters, we couched this as referring to an above inflation increase. Note though that voters are not necessarily keen that decisions about the council tax should routinely be referred to them. Only 43 per cent say that decisions about the council tax should be made by voters in a referendum, while 52 per cent would prefer the decisions to be made by their elected council. It would appear that, while voters are happy to have a referendum as a potential bulwark against a particularly large increase in council tax, they are not sure they trust their fellow citizens to make decisions about the tax on a regular basis.
  7. Strictly speaking this provision would apply to custodial sentences of 12 months or less, as longer sentences already result in automatic disqualification from membership of the Commons.
  8. The full question wording was:

    It has been suggested that sometimes voters should be able to force their local MP to resign and fight a by-election. First of all, say that the MP has broken the rules. How much do you agree or disagree that in those circumstances voters should be able to force their MP to resign?

    Respondents were invited to answer using a five point scale ranging from "strongly agree" to "strongly disagree".
  9. The full question wording was:

    And what if the MP had not broken any rules, but voters thought he or she was not doing a very good job? Should voters be able to force their MP to resign?

    Again respondents were invited to answer using a five point scale.
  10. The scale was created by adding the scores (ranging from 1 to 4) across the three items and dividing the resulting total by three. Multi-item measures of complex concepts like trust are usually held to be more reliable and valid than single item measures (Zeller and Carmines, 1980: 48-52; Heath and Martin, 1997). Cronbach's alpha for this particular scale is 0.90.
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  • Notes
    1. This picture of low trust in politicians relative to other professional actors, such as the police, is confirmed by data from other polling organisations, such as MORI's 'Trust in Professions' surveys (Ipsos-MORI, 2011).
    2. Readings are indicated by data marker; the line indicates an overall pattern but where there is no data marker the line cannot be taken as a reading for that year.
    3. These figures have been collated from various House of Commons Library papers supplemented by data from the New Local Government Network.
    4. Nor have attitudes to elected mayors improved since their introduction in 2000. The same questions about speaking up for the area, getting things done and giving too much power to a single person were also asked on British Social Attitudes in 1998 and 2000. The proportions agreeing that mayors speak up for the area and help gets things done were no higher in 2011 than in 1998, while the proportion agreeing that mayors give too much power to a single person fell by only 10 percentage points, from 45 per cent in 1998 to 35 per cent in 2011.
    5. Two other of England's largest cities, Leicester and Liverpool, had previously decided to introduce a directly elected mayor without holding a referendum. In four other referendums on directly elected mayors held since the 2010 general election, the proposal was approved in two cases (Salford and Tower Hamlets) and rejected in a third (Great Yarmouth). Doncaster voted in May 2012 to keep its elected mayor.
    6. The Coalition's proposal is that a referendum should be held when a council wishes to increase the level of council tax by more than a limit specified by the government. To simplify matters, we couched this as referring to an above inflation increase. Note though that voters are not necessarily keen that decisions about the council tax should routinely be referred to them. Only 43 per cent say that decisions about the council tax should be made by voters in a referendum, while 52 per cent would prefer the decisions to be made by their elected council. It would appear that, while voters are happy to have a referendum as a potential bulwark against a particularly large increase in council tax, they are not sure they trust their fellow citizens to make decisions about the tax on a regular basis.
    7. Strictly speaking this provision would apply to custodial sentences of 12 months or less, as longer sentences already result in automatic disqualification from membership of the Commons.
    8. The full question wording was:

      It has been suggested that sometimes voters should be able to force their local MP to resign and fight a by-election. First of all, say that the MP has broken the rules. How much do you agree or disagree that in those circumstances voters should be able to force their MP to resign?

      Respondents were invited to answer using a five point scale ranging from "strongly agree" to "strongly disagree".
    9. The full question wording was:

      And what if the MP had not broken any rules, but voters thought he or she was not doing a very good job? Should voters be able to force their MP to resign?

      Again respondents were invited to answer using a five point scale.
    10. The scale was created by adding the scores (ranging from 1 to 4) across the three items and dividing the resulting total by three. Multi-item measures of complex concepts like trust are usually held to be more reliable and valid than single item measures (Zeller and Carmines, 1980: 48-52; Heath and Martin, 1997). Cronbach's alpha for this particular scale is 0.90.
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